STATE OF EDUCATION IN INDIA
In terms of research
productivity, India has 7.8 scientists per 1,000 population compared to 180.7
in Canada, 53.1 in South Korea and 21.2 in the US. Harvard University's
endowment stands at $32 billion whereas the total extramural grants provided to
Indian universities put together is about Rs 12 billion.
There should be a
three-pronged plan. One, there has to be a consensus on revising the RTE Act.
The evolution of RTE should have a roadmap that lays greater emphasis on
quality at the ground level with achievable goals. Second, there has to be a
vision to invest in higher education with emphasis on research and development.
The investment in higher education should be more than 2 per cent of GDP in
five years.
Important Bills such
as The Protection and Utilisation of Public-Funded Intellectual Property Bill
and The Higher Education and Research Bill are pending in Parliament. These
Bills need to be cleared in order to provide better financial incentives for talented
scientists. Finally, there has to be a renewed commitment to greater
publicprivate partnerships in the higher and lower education systems.
INDIA GETS A DOWNGRADE FROM
FAA
Federal
Aviation Administration (FAA) has
downgraded India’s safety rating. An audit held
last year had found inadequacies in the oversight mechanism of India’s
Directorate General of Civil
Aviation’s (DGCA).
India has been
lowered to Category II of safety rankings from Category I. A Category II
ranking means the Indian safety regulator does not meet standards set by UN
agency International Civil Aviation Organisation (ICAO).
IMPLICATIONS OF THE RATING DOWNGRADE
|
CATEGORY I rating means the country’s civil aviation authority
complies with International Civil Aviation Organization standards
CATEGORY II rating
means a country either lacks laws or regulations necessary to oversee air
carriers in accordance with international standards, or that its civil
aviation authority is deficient in one or more areas, such as technical expertise, trained personnel,
record-keeping or inspection procedures. This is now the case with India.
WITH INDIA’S INTERNATIONAL AVIATION
SAFETY ASSESSMENT FALLING IN CATEGORY II,Indian
air carriers cannot start new services to the United States, although they
are allowed to maintain their existing services
|
April-Dec
fiscal deficit touches 95% of Budget estimate
the Centre’s fiscal
deficit reached 95.2 per cent of the Budget Estimate (BE) in only nine
months of the current financial year (April-December 2013). Since Finance
Minister P Chidambaram is
taking the BE for fiscal deficit as a red line, he can allow over-spending
vis-a-vis receipts to the extent of 4.8 per cent of what was pegged in BE in
the past three months of FY14.
However, there is a
silver lining as well. The fiscal deficit touched Rs 5.16 lakh crore in the
first nine months against Rs 5.42 lakh crore projected in the BE, according to
figures released by the Controller General of Accounts (CGA) on Friday. This means,
the government will have to restrain its over-spending to the tune of Rs 26,000
crore in the last quarter of FY14 in order to meet the fiscal deficit target .
Till November 2013, fiscal deficit had stood at Rs 5.09 lakh crore. So, in a
month’s time, over-spending rose Rs 7,000 crore. If this has been the trend in
the past three months, then fiscal deficit could easily be checked according to
the BE or even lower, at least in absolute numbers.
However, the pitfall
is that India's economic size might not grow 13.4 per cent in 2013-14 as
assumed in the Budget. Even after a favourable push, due to the downward
revision of economic growth to 4.5 per cent in 2012-13 from five per cent
earlier, growth in 2013-14 might be sub-five per cent only. The Wholesale Price
Index-based inflation in the first nine months stood at 6.15 per
cent. As such, growth in nominal terms may be sub-12 per cent. This would mean
the fiscal deficit would have to be contained at lower than Rs 5.42 lakh crore
to achieve 4.8 per cent of GDP target for 2013-14. That way, the target
becomes much stiffer than earlier.
The problem
of savings
The falling savings rate is a product of both high inflation and
low growth
The Central Statistics Office’s
(CSO) detailed estimates of national income for 2012-13 reveal the extent of
deterioration that has taken place in domestic savings, both quantitatively
and qualitatively. Since 2007-08, India’s
gross savings rate has dropped from 36.8 to just 30.1 per cent of its GDP. The current fiscal could well see this go below 30
per cent, the first time after 2003-04.
The decline in the overall savings rate is, however, only one part. Of equal
concern is the composition of savings.
In 2007-08, 51.9 per cent of household savings were in bank deposits, insurance
policies, provident/pension funds, shares, mutual fund units and other
financial instruments. But five years later, financial savings constituted only
32.4 per cent of total household savings,
even registering an absolute decline from ₹774,753 crore to ₹717,131 crore between 2009-10
and 2012-13.
Composition of
de-financialisation
So, where are households — who
account for nearly three-fourths of all savings
in India — putting most of their surpluses of income over consumption? Well, in
the head called savings in ‘physical assets’ that mainly comprises land and
buildings. During the same three years
when their annual financial savings fell, households increased their savings in
physical form by almost 75 per cent. But even this does not give a complete
picture of ‘de-financialisation’ of savings.
For that, one should also look at what the CSO terms ‘valuables’, a category not clubbed under physical savings.
Between 2007-08 and 2012-13, investment in valuables – gold and other precious
metals, including jewellery — soared five-fold from ₹53,592 crore to ₹266,482 crore. If valuables are also accounted
for, the movement from financial to physical savings becomes all the more
obvious.
Reasons
One reason for this massive
de-financialisation of savings has clearly to do with inflation, which reduces the portion of people’s income
remaining after consumption to start with. When this is combined with negative real
returns on bank deposits and other financial assets, even those in a position to save would choose to
park their surpluses in real estate, gold and such seemingly better inflation
hedges. There is certainly some basis to
this argument, which has been marshalled by the Reserve Bank of India to
justify its strong anti-inflationary stance and hiking of interest rates. But
the fact that even physical savings (inclusive of valuables) have fallen from 18.5 to 17.4 per cent of GDP between 2011-12 and
2012-13 probably shows that negative real returns on financial assets aren’t
the sole villain. Savings can also dip when growth slows down, affecting job creation and incomes. The last three
years have not only witnessed high inflation rates but also a severe
growth-cum-investment slowdown. Together,
they have brought down the incomes from which savings can be generated.
Policymakers, therefore, need to focus both on inflation and growth while
addressing the problem of savings.
Investment
atrophy
GDP growth cannot pick up without addressing the root problem of
stalled capital formation
The scaling down of last fiscal’s
GDP growth to 4.5 per cent, from the earlier 5 per cent estimate, could well be
the precursor to an equally depressing set of national income data figures for
2013-14. But even the 4.5 per cent number, low though it is, fails to capture
the
real crisis that relates to gross capital formation (GCF): the stock of fixed
assets added to an economy and contributing to its future production growth. A characteristic feature of any dynamic emerging
economy is that the accumulation of such capital stock — from factories to
roads and power plants — by it increases at a faster rate than GDP.
The period from 2004-05 to 2010-11 for India witnessed an average annual GCF growth of 15.2
per cent, well exceeding the GDP increase of 8.5 per cent a year. This trend has, however, reversed subsequently. The dip in GCF growth
to 6.4 per cent in 2011-12 and a mere 2.4 per cent in 2012-13 has been more than the corresponding fall in GDP
rates to 6.7 and 4.5 per cent. But the actual extent of drying up of
investments can be gauged only from examining the components within GCF. Most
significant is decline in fixed capital formation by the corporate sector in real terms, by 0.1 per cent in 2011-12 and 3.6 per
cent in 2012-13. Equally revealing is that GCF in manufacturing has recorded
negative growth of 17.5 and 13.2 per cent
respectively. It is mainly sectors such as trade, road transport and real
estate that have posted high or reasonably positive growth in capital
formation. These, unlike manufacturing, don’t require much by way of machinery
and capital stock.
The short point that emerges from
all this is that the current slowdown is primarily about a collapse of
investments. When corporates began going slow in putting up new manufacturing
facilities around mid-2011, the effects of it were felt on job creation,
incomes and consumption over time. We are clearly in a situation where no
growth pick-up is possible without a resumption of the stalled capital
accumulation process. The Centre has a
crucial role in this respect and it is not limited merely to expediting
statutory clearances, important though this is. What it must do is invest directly in select railway, roads and other infrastructure
projects that have a high multiplier effect. The money can be found if there is
a more serious
attempt to rationalise subsidies and
place a firm check on wasteful consumption expenditure. The savings from this
are best directed towards growth-promoting investments.
CORRUPTION IN PDS
The Independent
Evaluation Office (IEO) was created at the Planning Commission in
August 2013 to monitor the outcome and effectiveness of various social sector
initiatives taken by
the UPA government. It began with an evaluation of the Public Distribution
System (PDS). Ajay Chhibber, Director General of the IEO tells that his initial findings
indicate almost 40 per cent of the foodgrain allocated under
PDS do not reach the intended beneficiary.
some is surely
corruption and some are systemic issues. So, this 40 per cent is a combination
of all that; it (split between genuine leakages and pilferage, etc) can be
50-50. I have also found where the PDS has been made universal, there is less
corruption, as in Tamil Nadu.
Why India's
subsidies are inflationary
few legacy subsidies
ourselves, we have introduced new non-merit subsidies in the past few years.
Our subsidy burden, at more than six per cent of GDP in FY13, is now the
highest in recorded history. Our public debt is over 66 per cent of GDP, and
our commitment to development expenses has only reduced to accommodate this
additional burden.
et's take government
intervention in agricultural products as an example. For many years now, the
government specifies Minimum Support Prices (MSPs)
for 26 crops including cereals, pulses and others such as sugarcane, cotton,
sunflower seeds and so on to support farmers. It is immediately apparent that
something changed dramatically in the past few years. While it took about 14
years for the indices to move from 100 to 200, MSPs have more than doubled in
the last seven years alone. For pulses, MSPs have more than tripled in this
time.The procurement of foodgrain by the government almost doubled as well . In
effect, we are now buying close to double the quantity at roughly 2.5 times the
price compared to seven years ago.
All market
intervention has consequences, some intended and some unintended. This
particular intervention has a lagged impact on inflation,
especially since the food group occupies a large part of our low-income
consumption basket. increasing
MSPs lead to higher rural costs and food prices. It is, however, only
farmers large enough to sell a substantial portion of their produce, who
benefit. The rural poor, who really deserve support, are only hurt as costs
rise.
The livelihood
subsidy under the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA),
which guarantees income but not work, imparted a one-time inflationary shock to
rural and urban wages. Moreover, the MGNREGA's inflation-indexed wages
initiated a vicious cycle with higher inflation raising wages and higher wages
raising inflation further. Our new food subsidy system simply allows the
government to buy foodgrain at ever-increasing prices, and give it away at to
two-thirds of our population at prices that don't even cover distribution
costs.
As things stand, our
crop mix responds to MSPs rather than demand MGNREGA distorts the labour market
by creating labour demand where none exists, driving up costs for an already struggling
manufacturing sector and making it uncompetitive.
As is apparent,
subsidies distort markets many times the size of the subsidy itself. For
example, a Rs 14 to 15 per litre subsidy on diesel distorts market dynamics for
the entire litre of diesel, an impact roughly five times the size of the
subsidy. With a subsidy burden of more than six per cent of GDP, the portion of
GDP rendered similarly uncompetitive can only be dreaded.
As
large parts of the economy become "uneconomic", the consequences
acquire omnipresence. Changes in our current account balance offer a glimpse. Chart
4 plots a
three-year moving average of subsidies (inverted) and the current account
balance.
As one market after
another is distorted and large sections of the economy rendered uncompetitive,
domestic income falls short of consumption and investment demand. Looking at
chart 4, one can almost visualise higher subsidies and an increasingly uncompetitive
economy dragging the current account balance down as we import more goods and
capital to meet our needs.
To believe this is
acceptable because we seem to
have insulated the poor from it is to live in denial. An uncompetitive
economy doesn't benefit anybody, least of all the poor. The resulting lack of
opportunity condemns them to a life of marginal subsistence provided by
subsidies.
We pay for these subsidies through borrowings because government revenues
are just not enough to fund these extravagances. And with the
inflationary impact of subsidies already imposing an informal tax of nearly the
same magnitude as our official central taxes, our ability to raise additional
taxes is virtually non-existent.
INDIA JAPAN TIES
Shinzo Abe, pacifist Japan's nationalist PM
reviewing India's annual celebration of hard and soft power.
Abe's visit
confirmed an Indo-Pacific convergence as both countries took aim at China's ADIZ policy, by underscoring
the "importance of freedom of overflight and civil aviation safety in
accordance with the recognised principles of international law", a
formulation in the joint statement that sounded otherwise innocuous. The Indian
government quietly dropped nuclear tipped Agni V from the parade, in deference
to Japanese sensitivities, a gesture significant as India is nudging Japan
towards a nuclear agreement.
What is it that
Japan and India are doing for each other? Japan is the helping hand India needs
as it seeks to transform itself into a globally competitive manufacturing
economy. India provides the perfect political platform for Japan as it seeks to
"normalise" itself. But we are doing this in an environment where
hedging - strategic and economic - is the dominant posture.
Manmohan Singh, when
he was still a talking visionary, once said, "When economics becomes big enough, it's strategic."
The India-Japan economic vision for India is transformational. An industrial
corridor from Delhi to Mumbai,
from Bangalore to Chennai, a huge port in Chennai to Dawei in Myanmar
and thence all Southeast Asia - we're looking at building a whole new supply chain which would
connect manufacturing centres in southern India with markets in Asia and beyond;
connect India and Sri Lanka a vital link, with a bridge between Rameswaram and
Mannar including an undersea power transmission link, while Japan helps India with the
development of NTPC's Sampur power plant in Trincomalee; simultaneously
use Japanese funds and
expertise to build infrastructure in Nagaland, Mizoram and Manipur as backward
linkages from the India-Myanmar-Thailand trilateral highway which should
be completed by 2016.
Indian
Banking: the New Landscape
Deploying Financial Innovations to
Support Growth
A stark trend in banking leading up to the global financial
crisis was rapid financial
innovation and financial engineering. The
pre-crisis period witnessed efforts by financial engineers to find solutions to
real sector problems in the financial sector. A very key reality was lost sight of which is, financial sector
exists to subserve the real sector and it should not be allowed to run ahead of
the real sector.
A number of regulatory reforms have been ushered in
since, which has slowed down the pace of financial innovations and the extent
of financial engineering. The Dodd-Frank Act in the US and other regulatory changes in the euro
zone and the UK have changed the face of banking. Through the crisis and after
the crisis, Indian banking industry faced a more stable regulatory environment that allowed changes and transformation to occur with
due cognisance of the international standards and codes, but India neither
retracted on the financial deregulation nor did it discourage new innovations within the ambit of its regulatory system and genuine
market needs. Consequently, we have seen introduction of several new
financial products that include credit default swaps, new cash-settled interest
rate futures, inflation indexed bonds and certificates, etc.
Once the global
financial crisis is behind us and banking reforms in its aftermath completed,
the pace of financial innovations can pick-up again. But we need to ponder if our financial
innovations are growth-supportive or create mere notional financial gains and
losses. Financial innovations bridge the
missing markets to provide complete markets, reduce agency costs, facilitate
risk sharing and improve efficiency and economic growth. However, they can lead
to weaker financial and credit discipline, encourage excessive risk-taking, add
to market volatility and fuel asset price-led or credit-led boom-bust cycles
risks. All these evils will mitigate if we, as bankers, focus on financial
innovations to support economic growth. The innovations must lead to affordability.
The innovation has to be what Dr. R. A. Mashelkar calls “inclusive.”
Innovations must be aimed at serving the needs of the society. The benefits of innovations must reach the masses in
form of cheaper prices and accessibility.
Globalisation of Regulation
An important fallout of the Financial Crisis has been
internationalization of bank regulations.
More and more bank regulations are emerging out of shared understanding amongst
the members of the Basel Committee on Bank Supervision, Financial Stability
Board, the IMF, the World Bank etc.,
primarily with the objective of ensuring financial stability in a highly
interconnected global financial system. As a member of the BCBS and FSB,
India too is committed to implementing the regulatory, supervisory and other
financial sector policies which these
global standard-setting bodies decide upon. In fact, the implementation of the
regulations would be reviewed by peer regulators. Therefore, the Indian banks
have to be ready to “expect the unexpected“ and prepare to live with more and
more stringent regulations. It is high time our banks start adopting the
international best practices in their operations and stopped seeking regulatory
forbearance at the earliest sign of distress.
the KYC animal
KYC goes
much more beyond a simple proof of identify and proof of address for the banks.
KYC is a critical component of
a bank’s risk management framework. A customer-centric business needs to know its customer,
the nature of his business and the inflows/ outflows into the accounts, if it
is to provide customised
business products and solutions. This, I call as KYC-B. The banks further need to understand the risks associated with
customer’s business to manage
risks arising from potential delinquency, fraud and consequent losses as
also legal and reputational risks arising from exposure to customers having
links to Multi level Marketing (MLM) business/terrorist activities/ hawala
transactions, etc. , which is another manifestation of KYC and may be termed as
KYC BR. The Know Your
Customer (KYC), Know Your Customers’ Business (KYC-B) and Know Your Customers’
Business Risks (KYC-BR) should be ingrained in the DNA of the bank’s business.
It should be understood that it is not just procedural compliance, but that good KYC and KYC-BR compliance
are important for the bank’s business.
Banks as the financing agent of the economic and
developmental activities have an important role in promoting overall
sustainable development. It is in this
respect that the concept of green banking has emerged and is recognized as an important strategy to address
sustainable development concerns and creating awareness among people about
environmental responsibility. Promoting Green banking has to be the way forward
for banks across the globe. Green Banking entails banks to encourage
environment friendly investments and give lending priority to those industries
which have already turned green or are trying to go green and, thereby, help to
restore the natural environment.
As a part of
the
Corporate Social Responsibility, the companies are required to integrate social
and environmental concerns in their business operations and in their interactions with their stakeholders on a
voluntary basis. The banks /financial institutions would also need to keep
themselves abreast of the latest developments in this area and help build a
sustainable environment through good banking practices. This is important for
ensuring that the banks remain socially relevant.
First Preliminary Report on
Status of Women in India
The High Level Committee identified Violence Against Women, Declining
Sex Ratio and Economic Disempowerment of Women as three key burning issues
which require immediate attention of the nation, and action by the government.
The flagged recommendations for immediate action
are as follows:
1. That the constitutional promise of a right-based
approach needs to be promoted for
positive outcomes to enhance the status of women.
2. That there is an urgent need to formulate National
Policy and Action Plan for Ending Violence Against Women impacting the life cycle of female population at every stage of her life.
3. Institutional
mechanisms should be strengthened and
well resourced. The Minister for Women and Child Development should be of cabinet
rank, thus reflecting the Government’s
concern with women’s issues.
4. Currently large amount of resources continue to be directed towards child development under the Ministry of Women and Child Development. Increased
resources would enable prioritization of
gender concerns as well.
5. Further, the MWCD should engage with, participate in
and draw from international debates. It is also not out of place to point out
that the Concluding Observations of the CEDAW Committee should be revisited and
acted upon by Government of India as part
of our international commitments to uphold women’s rights.
6. The parliamentary Committee on Empowerment of Women must examine the gender implications of all proposed
legislations. There is also a need for
the Committee to meet more often, and its meetings should be open to civil
society groups as observers.
7. The role of the National Commission for Women must go beyond reactive interventions to fulfill the proactive mandate of studying, recommending and
influencing policies, laws, programmes and budgets to ensure full benefits to the stake holders.
8. The National Commission for Women, as an apex body is
responsible for and answerable to 50% of the Indian population. In keeping with this, the selection and
composition of the members must be made
through an institutionalized and transparent process. A selection committee comprising of experts must be
given the task of searching, identifying and selecting the members who must be
professionals of proven expertise. Appointments must be made keeping
professional capability in mind and not political affiliations.
9. Gender Responsive
Budgeting coupled with gender audits
should be taken more seriously to reflect purposive gender planning.
10. Legislation for 50
per cent reservation for women in all decision-making bodies should be enacted.
12. Assessment of the
status of women in India should be a regular feature. It took 25 years for the first Status Report and now
40 years to constitute the present High Level Committee. There should be
a regular mechanism for continuous examination and assessment of status of
women and reporting back publically to the nation and women of India on a
bi-annual basis.
On the
leeward side: state of economy
Several
emerging markets (EMs) are in crisis mode again. Argentina and Venezuela have
been forced to devalue their currencies, the Turkish lira has depreciated
against the US dollar, and so has the South African rand.
The
rupee, on the other hand, is holding up relatively well so far. This was due to rising expectations of the
United States Federal Reserve tapering its monthly purchase of bonds (“the
taper”). India was one of the “Fragile
Five” (Brazil, Indonesia, India, Turkey and South Africa): economies
whose currencies were expected to weaken significantly when the taper
eventually started.
This
was attributed not just to their high
current account deficits and dependence on foreign capital, but also
because all of these economies are facing political uncertainty: all five are headed for
elections this year. For India, most market commentators were talking of a
recurrence of the currency crisis of 1991.
The
taper started in December and, indeed, in the last three months, four of the
Fragile Five currencies are down 10 to 15 per cent against the US dollar.
However, the fifth, the Indian rupee, is down a mere 3 per cent, and total
market capitalisation of the Indian markets is almost 30 per cent higher than
the lows seen in August last year. The sense of crisis prevalent in markets
like Argentina, Turkey and Brazil is therefore absent in India.
What
has made India stand out thus far among emerging markets, and can the rupee and
the economy withstand the current turmoil in the global economy? Of several
possible reasons, there are only two that matter in my view: the first, a sharp decline in the current
account deficit, and the second, the remarkable $34 billion that flowed
in through the measures taken by the RBI towards attracting NRI deposits and
banking capital. Both demonstrate the core strengths of India, despite all the
negative publicity around unhappy corporations, noisy democracy and governments
which act only with their backs against the wall.
India’s
trade deficit has shrunk dramatically over last year, and by far the most among
all emerging markets. From a monthly run rate of close to $17 billion in the
run-up to the crisis period last year, it has been averaging about 10 billion a
month. Of this $7 billion fall
in the monthly rate, only about $3 billion is due to the decline in gold imports, and the rest
due to other factors. While a large part of the decline in gold imports is
indeed due to the quantitative restrictions placed by regulators (considered
“non-fundamental” by many), a meaningful part of the decline in gold imports is
also due to lower gold prices. They are down from an average of $1660 an ounce
in the last financial year to about $1250 an ounce currently, a 25 per cent
decline.
The
larger part of the decline in
the trade deficit is instead coming from a rise in exports and a fall in
(non-gold) imports, as the weak currency and rising domestic surpluses
have allowed Indian
manufacturers and farmers to gain competitiveness . Weakness in the
domestic economy is also doing its bit for the decline in imports, as demand
for items like capital goods and steel scrap has come down sharply, and that
for crude oil is not growing.
But
any amount of fundamental improvement cannot prevent speculative moves on the currency. Near-term
movements in pricing are almost always driven by sentiment. This is where the
three-year deposits that flowed into India from NRIs till November come in:
they reduced the “liquidity
risk” for the currency. The difference between “solvency risk” and “liquidity risk” needs some
explanation. While the economy’s dollar
liabilities have risen sharply in the last decade, as a percentage of domestic output
they are still low. This means solvency risk is low.
However,
the liquidity risk was high:
a large part of the debt is
short-term in nature, implying that if all these lenders were to ask for
their dollars back at the same time, India would be in a spot of bother. Liquidity risk can sometimes drive
solvency risk, as at the time of greatest need, even longer duration
dollar debt becomes unavailable.
The
deposit scheme encouraged and supported by the RBI brought in $34 billion,
close to a full year’s current account deficit (as per the current run rate),
and thus helped reduce the liquidity risk for the economy, strengthening the
currency’s position against speculative attacks.
The
coming weeks are likely to be turbulent, with some uncertainty from the
crisis-like situations in many emerging markets, a narrowly averted default in
China of a wealth management product and a temporary slowdown in global output
growth. India is likely to be buffeted by the turbulence elsewhere. After all,
India’s global linkages have
increased significantly in the last two decades, from the perspective of
trade as well as capital flows. Redemption pressure on broader EM funds, for
example, could cause capital outflows from India, pressuring domestic markets,
even if only temporarily. Or, commodity producers in India could be hurt by
falling prices as global growth gets affected by the uncertainty. Sentiment
about India may also be affected by changing forecasts of the electoral
prospects of various parties in the upcoming general elections.
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